By John J. Mearsheimer
"A outstanding book....Mearsheimer has made an important contribution to our knowing of the habit of serious powers."—The nationwide Interest, Barry R. Posen
A decade after the chilly struggle ended, coverage makers and teachers foresaw a brand new period of peace and prosperity, an period during which democracy and open exchange may bring in the "end of history." The terrorist assaults of September eleven, 2001, unfortunately shattered those idyllic illusions, and John Mearsheimer's masterful new e-book explains why those harmonious visions stay utopian. To Mearsheimer, nice energy politics are tragic as the anarchy of the overseas method calls for states to hunt dominance at one another's fee, dooming even peaceable countries to a constant energy fight. Mearsheimer illuminates his conception of offensive realism via a sweeping survey of recent nice energy struggles and displays at the bleak clients for peace in Europe and northeast Asia, arguing that the United States's safeguard festival with a emerging China will accentuate despite "engagement" guidelines. "This is the definitive paintings on offensive realism."—Choice
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Extra resources for The Tragedy of Great Power Politics
Christian ambition to serve a God who transcended any particular civic allegiance (despite the complications introduced by the Christianization of the Roman Empire) threatened the comfortable links between individual and civic ambition. For many Christians, at least, the desire to secure individual salvation came into tension with the desire to serve the worldly interests of one’s city, a fundamental tension which grand theories such as those of St Augustine could manage but not entirely resolve.
The Spartan mother’s model of austere self-denial and dedication to the common good was viewed by many as the way to achieve the highest form of polity: a republic sustained by the virtue of its citizens in contrast to regimes dependent on coercion and subordination. As Constant observed, the paradox of these regimes was that the citizen was powerful in his civic capacity, but socially constrained as an individual by that very common power in which he participated. As a citizen, one wielded collective power; but as a private person, one was at the mercy of that same power.
Rather than condemning our desires for consumption altogether – which will probably be fruitless – the question is whether we can be smarter about how we control them, limit them, and satisfy them. Ancient ethics can re-enlighten the Enlightenment values of capitalism. They can help us act more intelligently: virtue as making appetites smarter and more self-disciplined, self-interest as genuinely enlightened, leading to a transformation of one’s understanding of one’s self and one’s interest, rather than simply as a callow slogan.