By Martin Stokes
On the middle of The Republic of affection are the voices of 3 musicians—queer nightclub famous person Zeki M?ren, arabesk originator Orhan Gencebay, and dad diva Sezen Aksu—who jointly have ruled mass media in Turkey because the early Fifties. Their repute and ubiquity have made them nationwide icons—but, Martin Stokes the following contends, they don't symbolize the legitimate model of Turkish id propagated by way of anthems or flags; in its place they evoke a way more intimate and ambivalent perception of Turkishness.Using those 3 singers as a lens, Stokes examines Turkey’s repressive politics and civil violence in addition to its uncommonly shiny public lifestyles during which tune, artwork, literature, activities, and journalism have flourished. besides the fact that, Stokes’s fundamental predicament is how M?ren, Gencebay, and Aksu’s tune and careers will be understood in gentle of theories of cultural intimacy. particularly, he considers their contributions to the improvement of a Turkish inspiration of affection, examining the methods those singers discover the personal concerns of intimacy, affection, and sentiment at the public degree.
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Additional resources for The Republic of Love: Cultural Intimacy in Turkish Popular Music (Chicago Studies in Ethnomusicology)
Instead it emanates from private agencies that represent intimate identification with the state as being freely internalized, an act of consumer choice (Özyürek 2006, p. 6). The relationship of citizen to state is thus, Özyürek points out, mediated by public imagery saturated with a symbolism that reﬂects the market-driven priorities of neoliberalism. This discussion of Özyürek’s characterization of 27. Navaro-Yashin aptly describes the car crash of 4 November 1996, known as “the Susurluk incident,” as “the truck that crashed into the ‘state’ ” (Navaro-Yashin 2002, p.
Their sense of the radical difference between urban and rural music, motivated by rather different intellectual agendas, had an impact on Turkish musicology. 33. For English-language discussions see Beken 2003, O’Connell 2003 and 2006, Solomon 2005a and 2005b, Stokes 1992 and 2002, and Seeman 2007. For Turkish see, inter alia, Meriç 1996, 1999a, and 1999b; Dilmener 2003; Dorsay 2003; and Paçacı 1999. 34. In the mid-1980s when I was first studying Turkish music, identifying with folk culture usually involved a leftist political orientation, generally supportive of the secular state, while identifying with art music often involved a conservative political orientation, hospitable to the recuperations of the Ottoman past and Islam in public life that were being promoted by the dominant conservative parties.
Introduction 13 the Web, and local radio. State salaries, pensions, and benefits lag behind the cost of living. State institutions hold little appeal for young people considering careers. Military service no longer structures the passage to adulthood for all young men. Corporations physically and psychologically dominate the landscape. 27 Özyürek, in a recent book (2006), suggests yet another twist in the farreaching cultural logic of neoliberalism. Nostalgia for the Kemalist 1930s has been a conspicuous feature of Turkish public culture in recent years.