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Extra info for The reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European laryngeals in Latin
No. 9. Arm. has orcam < *orucam, which probably reflects *erucam < *htrug\ both *h2rug- and *h3rug- would probably have yielded Arm. arc-, the latter via *oruc- > *aruc (see Kortlandt 1983b, 10 and 1987a, 61 for *o > *a in open syllables). 11. OLat. , pres. sum, sumus, sunt: these forms reflect the zero grade of the root *hts- 'to be'. The initial laryngeal is reflected in Skt, as at 'not being' < •n-HJS-NT (Mayrhofer 1987, 98), Gr. EITIV < ^ h ^ - i e h ^ m , Myc. e - e - s i , thevox < *h 1 s-enti, Hitt.
Despite the consensus about the loss of an initial anteconsonantal laryngeal in Latin, several scholars have suggested that under certain circumstances a laryngeal yielded Lat. a-. This idea will be discussed in section 3. 2. Material All words with PIE. *#HC- > Lat. #C- will be discussed except those instances of *Hr- for which there is no independent evidence for *H-. , WH. and Beekes 1969 where Greek, Armenian or Hittite evidence for *HC- is available, using the criteria outlined above. Furthermore, the few cases with Lat.
1980 Etyma Latina IV (24-25), Symbolae Ludovico 1985 Mitxelena Septvagenario Oblata I, ed. L. Melena, Vitoria, pp. 265-273. Thurneysen, R. 1879: Uber Herkunft und Bildung der lateinischen Verba auf -io, Diss. Leipzig. 1883: Urspr. dn tn cn im lateinischen, KZ 26, 301-314. 1887: Lateinischer Lautwandel, KZ 28, 154-162. 1893: Italisches 4. Urspriingliches dr im Lateinischen, KZ 32, 562-566. 1921: Alte Probleme, IF 39, 200-202. 1946: A Grammar of Old Irish, Dublin. Tischler, J. 1977-: Hethitisches etymologisches Glossar, Innsbruck.