By Ryan Gingeras
The Turkish Republic used to be shaped out of sizeable bloodshed and carnage. in the course of the decade best as much as the top of the Ottoman Empire and the ascendancy of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, almost each city and village all through Anatolia used to be wracked by means of intercommunal violence. Sorrowful Shores provides a distinct, on-the-ground background of those bloody years of social and political transformation.
Challenging the determinism linked to nationalist interpretations of Turkish historical past among 1912 and 1923, Ryan Gingeras delves deeper into this era of transition among empire and geographical region. taking a look heavily at a nook of territory instantly south of the previous Ottoman capital of Istanbul, he strains the evolution of assorted groups of local Christians and immigrant Muslims opposed to the backdrop of the Balkan Wars, the 1st international battle, the Armenian Genocide, the Turkish warfare of Independence, and the Greek profession of the region.
Drawing on new resources from the Ottoman information, Gingeras demonstrates how violence was once organised on the neighborhood point. Arguing opposed to the existing view of the clash as a conflict among monolithic ethnic teams pushed by means of fanaticism and old hatreds, he finds as an alternative the culpability of numerous competing states in fanning successive waves of bloodshed.
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Extra resources for Sorrowful Shores: Violence, Ethnicity, and the End of the Ottoman Empire 1912-1923
A speciﬁc set of agendas drove the concerted placement of North Caucasian refugees in the Ottoman Empire. The regions that were most densely settled by these immigrants largely constituted areas of high strategic value for the Ottoman state. ⁷⁶ Coupled with their services as loyal military auxiliaries, the presence of these Muslim refugees helped to dilute the number of native Christians. The result of this settlement policy was disastrous and bloody. ⁷⁷ The integration of North Caucasians into Ottoman society went beyond these matters of settlement and internal politics.
For the Young Turks, the revolution also symbolized the empowerment of the population at large. ²⁴ In other ways too, the formation of the CUP and the crafting of its policies speak to how this collective of individuals viewed themselves as members of a socio-economic class. The individuals comprising the CUP saw themselves as the elite of their generation, the sons and daughters of an emerging Muslim bourgeoisie. ²⁵ In joining the CUP, the Young Turks believed that their purpose, their charge to keep, was to teach and lead their fellow citizens, particularly Muslims.
The integration of North Caucasians into Ottoman society went beyond these matters of settlement and internal politics. The introduction of hundreds of thousands of new subjects into the empire also compelled the imperial administration and civil society to welcome and accommodate a completely foreign body of men and women organized according to their own system of class, rank, and occupation. The historic ties between the sultan’s palace and the North Caucasus helped facilitate the infusion of the new immigrant elite.