By Lynn A Staeheli
Mapping girls, Making Politics demonstrates the a number of ways that gender affects political methods and the politics of house. The ebook starts by way of addressing feminism's theoretical and conceptual demanding situations to conventional political geography and than applies those views to various settings and themes together with nationalism, migration, improvement, diplomacy, elections, social activities, governance and the surroundings within the worldwide North and South.
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Additional resources for Mapping Women, Making Politics: Feminism and Political Geography
She did so by focusing on border cases such as politics and discourses around interracial rape. The dynamics are complex and demonstrate how gender codes are racialized, classed, and vice versa. She argued, for example, that in cases of interracial rape (understood as black men raping white women), white males mobilize against black males in a manner that claims white women’s bodies as white male property. Furthermore, the politics around interracial rape demonstrate that certain female bodies are valued over other female bodies, based on the interlocking relationship of class and race.
And when Zakira Hamida Abbasi from India preached in the Majalises during the Moharram of 1982, more than six hundred women embraced the hijaab within a week. Although not all women chose the hijaab, it became the strongest symbol of Islamic and Shia identities for most Ithnasheri women. This rise of religious consciousness among the local Ithnasheris was greatly aided by economic reforms and trade liberalization at the national level. After the government adopted free market policies in the mid-1980s, Ithnasheri men increasingly proﬁted from export-import ventures, facilitated by strong business and religious connections with Ithnasheris in the West.
For example, Nargis Alam, an upper-class woman who emigrated to London in the early 1970s, returned to Dar-es-Salaam as a divorcée in the 1990s to ﬁght a property dispute with some powerful male relatives on behalf of her father. Alam deﬁantly opposed mut’a: The community leaders hate my guts. . Most Ithnasheris assume that because I don’t have a man in my life, I have no social standing and I must be dying to do mut’a with some rich man. That’s ridiculous. . We [divorced women] do not need men to give us any social status by making us sex objects.