By L.J. Sackville
Heresy is often relative; the lines that it leaves to us are distorted and one-sided. within the previous couple of a long time, historians have spoke back to those difficulties by way of constructing more and more subtle methodologies that aid to solve and remove darkness from the tangled layers from which the texts that describe heresy are outfitted, yet within the strategy have made our studying of heresy fractured and disconnected.
Heresy and Heretics seeks to redress this via interpreting the differing kinds of anti-heretical writing as a part of a much broader, hooked up culture, contemplating the entire critical orthodox remedies of heresy for the 1st time. Drawn from the mid-thirteenth century, a time while either medieval heresy and the church's reaction to it have been at their zenith, they describe a spectrum of fabric that levels from the theological arguments of a few of the best thinkers of the age to the homely sermons of the wandering preachers. In contemplating the full scope of anti-heretical writing from this slender interval, it turns into obvious that, faraway from being a man-made build remoted from truth, the church's therapy of heresy in reality had a much more complicated dating with its material.
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Extra resources for Heresy and Heretics in the Thirteenth Century: The Textual Representations
Clearly, if it is necessary to present an opponent as capable not only of learned exposition, but of exposition of a common text, then the struggle becomes about two opposed readings, and which is dominant. Though there is still invective, the real polemic is elsewhere in our authors’ representation of the exchange between heretical and orthodox doctrine. The principal reconciliation of the problem of a learned heresy with its inherent wrongness occurs through the continuing emphasis that all our authors place on interpretation.
307–8. The text can be found in Doat 36, fols. 91v–203r; see also below, chapter 2, p. 44, n. 15. i, 63–4. 60 It is not clear whether the author of the Disputatio worked from a heretical source, though there are passages that see him moving through precisely referenced Cathar doctrine point by point, in much the same way that Moneta does. 62 In the opening to his Summa contra gentiles Aquinas says that it is possible to argue against heretics because they recognize a common text in the New Testament.
See also Andrew of Florence, who sometimes uses ‘predicas’ in place of or in addition to ‘dicas’ when addressing his opponent: Andrew of Florence, Summa, pp. 30, 59, 69, 73. On Cathar preaching see J. H. Arnold, ‘The Preaching of the Cathars’, in Medieval Monastic Preaching, ed. C. Muessig (Leiden, 1998), pp. 183–205. Paolini, ‘Italian Catharism’, pp. 90–91; Salvo Burci, Suprastella, pp. 5–6. 42 Disputatio, p. 4 and n. 6. org/terms Heresy and Heretics in the Thirteenth Century academic debate is suggestive.