By Gordon Finlayson
Jürgen Habermas is the main well known dwelling German thinker. This publication goals to offer a transparent and readable review of his philosophical paintings. It analyzes either the theoretical underpinnings of Habermas's social thought, and its extra concrete purposes within the fields of ethics, politics, and legislation. ultimately, it examines how Habermas's social and political idea informs his writing on actual, present political and social difficulties.
The writer explores Habermas's effect on a wide selection of fields--including philosophy, political and social concept, cultural reports, sociology, and literary reports. He makes use of a problem-based method of clarify how Habermas's principles could be utilized to genuine social and political occasions. The publication additionally encompasses a thesaurus of technical phrases to extra acquaint the reader with Habermas's philosophy. in contrast to different writing on Habermas, this creation is accessibly written and explains his highbrow framework and technical vocabulary, instead of easily adopting it.
Read or Download Habermas: A Very Short Introduction (Very Short Introductions) PDF
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Extra resources for Habermas: A Very Short Introduction (Very Short Introductions)
105. Trotsky 1920, p. 82; English edition, p. 101. 20 • Chapter Two Moreover, the Russian working class had to mount this horse, if it did not want to be thrown off the historical stage for a whole epoch. And, once it had seized power, and had taken up the reins, all the rest followed of its own accord. ’24 Kautsky’s reply was not slow in coming. In From Democracy to State Slavery (1921), he retorted that, although he was not a Bolshevik, he had nevertheless learnt to ride a horse: It is true I did not learn to ride a horse before I mounted one, but the horse had learnt to carry a rider before I mounted it.
67 He reproached Luxemburg for an ‘organic’ approach to the problem of revolution, whereas, in his opinion, a ‘dialectically-revolutionary’ approach was needed. 68 Luxemburg, he claimed, had failed to recognise that bourgeois and proletarian revolutions were qualitatively different. It was characteristic for a bourgeois revolution, that capitalism had already emerged within the feudal order, causing social and economic dislocations; the revolution was then merely the political and juridical adjustment of a society to changes which, on the economic terrain, had already occurred incrementally to a large extent.
Luxemburg 1922, pp. 113–14; English translation, p. 391, adapted. 30 • Chapter Two If one scrutinises Luxemburg’s discourse as a whole, however, it still remains unclear what the precise implications were. On the one hand, she signalled the danger that the strengthening of bourgeois forces in the countryside, and in nations gaining independence, could lead to a bourgeois counterrevolution aiming at the overthrow of Bolshevik rule. On the other hand, she also envisaged the possibility that the Bolshevik system could degenerate into a bourgeois dictatorship.